As Federico Peña considered the two most prominent Democratic candidates for Colorado governor recently, the former Denver mayor called U.S. Sen. Michael Bennet an “extraordinary public servant.”
Matching Peña’s praise, fellow former Mayor Michael Hancock hailed Bennet’s chief rival for the job, Attorney General Phil Weiser, as “a tremendous attorney general” and “one of the smartest people I know.”
The compliments, however, highlight what many Democrats see as a good problem to have as the primary race comes into focus: Peña, despite his high praise for Bennet, wants Weiser to win the job. Vice versa for Hancock, who’s really rooting for Bennet.
The two high-wattage candidates have effectively cleared the field of other potential high-profile Democratic candidates in the race to succeed Gov. Jared Polis, who is term-limited from running for a third time. The narrow Democratic field stands in stark contrast to the wide-open Republican contest, where 25 candidates — none of whom had raised more than $200,000 as of this fall — hope to win the Colorado governor’s office for the GOP for the first time in 24 years.
Bennet and Weiser are well-liked in party circles, and each comes with a well-established resume. They’ve likely crowded out any other serious challengers, leaving most Democratic and unaffiliated primary voters with a binary choice between two men who are both Denverites — a potentially simpler exercise than the four-way race in 2018, but it could be complicated by each’s long record for voters to compare.
Weiser, elected as the state’s top attorney in 2018 and now term-limited, has had much of his tenure dominated by legal fights with the Trump administration. He has sued the new administration 43 times this year alone. His office has claimed wins in 25 of those cases, losses in seven, and is awaiting rulings in the others.
Bennet became a U.S. senator in 2009 and is Colorado’s longest-serving senator in 50 years. His record includes winning a key provision in the 2021 American Rescue Plan to expand the federal child tax credit — a move heralded by the Brookings Institution as leading to a “historic reduction in poverty” across the country before the provision expired after about six months.
They’ve each shown fundraising prowess, raising multimillion-dollar war chests in the opening months of the governor’s race.
All of those factors set the stage for a primary fight with more defined battle lines than the free-for-alls of the past. If no other major candidate enters, voters who cast ballots in the June primary will be asked to weigh senatorial deftness against the value of legal pugnacity in the Trump 2.0 era, Weiser’s comparatively new blood versus Bennet as the old guard — and competing visions that nonetheless broadly align along Democratic priorities.
“They’re both incredibly smart, thoughtful people whose careers have risen during this weird period of American politics where (President Donald Trump) has become such a dominant figure and such a polarizing figure,” said University of Colorado Denver public affairs professor Paul Teske, who’s donated to each of their campaigns. “… It can lead people to nitpick more than they might otherwise. If you prefer Phil to Michael, you might have to come up with a reason why you prefer him more.”
How this shaped up as a two-man race
Weiser, 57, launched his campaign on Jan. 2 — just before Trump was sworn in for a second term, and before any other prominent Democrats tossed their hats in the ring. Affordability, housing shortages, climate change and the youth mental health crisis dominated his out-of-the-gate message.
With Colorado trending distinctly blue over the past decade, anti-Trump sentiments roiling the liberal base and no incumbent governor seeking reelection this time, it seemed like he’d be the first candidate of many for 2026.
Weiser rode the early entrance to a hefty cash haul and a slate of early endorsements while other possible contenders pondered their moves. The rumored candidates included prominent Democrats U.S. Rep. Joe Neguse, former U.S. Secretary of the Interior Ken Salazar, and Secretary of State Jena Griswold.
But no other high-profile Democrat entered the race — until Bennet, a third of the way into his latest term as a senator, decided he wanted to come home. He publicly announced his campaign in April.
Bennet’s decision is an exceedingly rare one. U.S. senators hold one of the most influential political posts in the country. Over the past 40 years, only 19 sitting or former senators have run for governor anywhere, according to Ballotpedia. Four of those were Democrats. That’s out of some 500 governors’ races over that time frame.
Bennet, 60, said at his announcement event that he saw an opportunity in Colorado to “forge a better politics” than what’s practiced in Washington, D.C. He pledged to build an economic and educational foundation to “drive a stake through Trumpism.”
“We have people all over Colorado that are working in their communities, and at the county level, who are desperate to have a partner in the statehouse, who believe that what we have to do in this state is unify the citizens of Colorado,” Bennet said, listing off priorities like cutting the costs of housing and child care and raising education levels. “… This is not a moment for rhetoric, it’s a moment for results.”
With so many other Democrats seemingly waiting in the wings, Bennet’s entrance into the race threw the political world for a loop.
“I was surprised, just because it seemed like it was outside the realm of what he was thinking about,” said U.S. Rep. Brittany Pettersen, a Lakewood Democrat who’s endorsed Bennet. But like other backers, she quickly understood the move after a conversation with him.
“When you talk to him, it becomes clear that he felt like this was where he could make the biggest impact, and that’s what we all strive for in public service,” Pettersen added. “… While I was surprised, I understand that his breadth of experience — from superintendent (of Denver Public Schools) to the Senate — and (with) the opportunities he has in Colorado, I understand why he wants to do this.”
Bennet quickly lined up more than 175 endorsements from across the state, including from nearly all of Colorado’s Democratic members of Congress. (Only U.S. Rep. Diana DeGette, who represents Denver, remains uncommitted.) The rollout was a show of force for the campaign, drawing on Bennet’s long history of winning statewide campaigns and his reputation among Democratic leaders.
But it wasn’t a knockout blow. Weiser’s still very much in the race.
Politicos have long joked that AG stands as much for “aspiring governor” as attorney general. For Weiser, himself restricted from running for the same post again and seeing fellow Democrats sitting in U.S. House or Senate seats that he might otherwise consider, the governor’s office was an obvious next move.
At a fall event with Peña and former Gov. Roy Romer that was billed as a fireside chat with “the state’s most transformative leaders,” Weiser said Colorado was at an inflection point. It must both protect its values from “the craziness in Washington,” he said, and forge its own path forward. Reflecting on Romer’s and Peña’s tenures, in which the former leaders fought to build the economic hub that is Denver International Airport, Weiser said he stood ready to take on big challenges.
“There is lower trust in our institutions right now (and) less ability to create solutions to get things done,” Weiser said. “… We have to find a way to meet this moment, create a similar can-do spirit — where we’re going to try a bunch of different things. Not all of it is going to work, but we’re going to try something.”
Weiser’s record as the state’s top attorney quickly swayed Romer, who led Colorado from 1987 to 1999, to believe in his higher aspirations. Speaking at the campaign event last month, Romer highlighted the need “to enable people to believe in government itself,” and particularly in the leadership of those in office.
“Bennet’s a personal friend. I like him. I respect him. I support him very much,” Romer said in an interview. “He’s my U.S. senator. I didn’t know he was (getting into) this race, but I like Phil anyway.
“Phil, I’ve watched for years. He’s a good man, and I just think he’ll make a great governor. Bennet, he’s my senator — and I hope he stays my senator.”
That sentiment — Bennet for Senate, and Weiser for governor — has been catchy enough among the attorney general’s supporters to make it onto bumper stickers in recent months.
The two men aren’t the only ones running for the nomination. Fellow Democrats Antonio Martinez, Carmen Broesder, Fatima Fernandez, David Hughes and William Moses have also declared for the race, though none have raised any substantial money as of the most recent campaign finance filings or stood out in other ways.
‘Ready to weigh’ state’s toughest problems
Bennet joined the Senate in 2009, appointed by then-Gov. Bill Ritter to replace Ken Salazar, whom then-President Barack Obama had just appointed U.S. Interior secretary. At the time, Bennet, after years of working mostly behind the scenes, was virtually unknown throughout most of the state.
Ritter had plucked Bennet from the role of DPS superintendent, where he had served since 2005. As the head of the school district, Bennet tackled declining enrollment and a stark achievement gap between students of color and white students, and he made the decision to close a storied northeast Denver high school that had struggled in the decade prior.
Before that, Bennet, a Yale-educated lawyer, had served as then-Denver Mayor John Hickenlooper’s chief of staff. Before he entered Colorado’s political sphere, Bennet worked for billionaire Phil Anschutz, buying up and restructuring distressed businesses, including oil companies and movie theater companies, earning millions of dollars in the process.
He won a close election to a full term in the Senate in 2010, earning 48% of the vote, less than 2 percentage points over his Republican challenger. Colorado was still distinctly purple then, and his election stood out during a national red wave year.
But as Colorado turned azure in the decade to follow, Bennet’s margins have only increased. He won by nearly 6 percentage points over the Republican challenger in 2016, and was 800 votes shy of an outright majority in a race that also had Green and Libertarian party candidates. In 2022, Bennet won nearly 56% of the vote, routing his Republican rival by nearly 15 percentage points.
He has repeatedly pointed to education and support for children of all economic stripes as key motivations for his public service. That streak continues with his gubernatorial bid.
Three of his four major policy proposals so far have circled education and child care, with ideas to tie education to job opportunities, to lower child care costs and give special benefits to child care workers, and to create new rules around online safety for children, such as social media regulations and banning cell phones in classrooms.
The fourth proposal, on housing affordability, looks to help families dig roots in the Centennial State and help their kids find their own Colorado dream. That includes expanding state-supported housing by 30% over the next decade.
“Whether you think you’re the most conservative person in Colorado, or the most liberal or progressive person in Colorado, if our kids can’t afford to live here, it doesn’t matter,” Bennet said in an interview after unveiling his child care proposal. “… We have to unify Colorado — build a coalition across our state to do hard things — and I think I’ve got the experience and the leadership skills to be able to help us.”
Former Colorado House Majority Leader Daneya Esgar said that breadth of experience — and focus on children — helped bring her into his camp early in the race.
“When I look at Michael’s career, he has a history of governing. He’s been a senator, he’s had to really think about policy issues, he’s had to make important decisions when it comes to votes. And I think that’s something we really need somebody (who’s) in the governor’s office ready to weigh,” Esgar said. “Specifically, I think what I’ve always appreciated about Michael is the work he’s really done and the vision he has for Colorado’s kids, throughout his entire career.”
But Bennet’s senatorial experience may also be an avenue of attack.
The question of why he’s leaving one of the most powerful political positions in the country to run for office closer to home is all but sure to follow him on the campaign trail, no matter how many times he says why. He will also have to contend with blowback for controversial votes to approve some of Trump’s cabinet nominees.
He raised eyebrows with his pronouncement that he’d time his resignation so he could appoint his own successor to the U.S. Capitol, should he win the governorship.
Former U.S. Sen. Tim Wirth, a Democrat who represented Colorado from 1987 to 1993, said he told Bennet he wished he’d stay in the Senate, where he was elected to serve, and that he was “surprised and disappointed” he would end his term early. He sees Coloradans as having an appetite for an aggressive posture against the Trump administration, and the Senate provides a unique opportunity to wage that war.
“If I were in the Senate, I’d be as visible as possible fighting Trump,” said Wirth, a Weiser supporter. “I’ve told both Michael and (now-Sen.) John Hickenlooper that I wish they were both a lot more aggressive than they’ve been. They’ve got effectively safe seats, and they ought to be outspoken.”
Willingness to ‘really fight for important values’
While Bennet wants to move to an office 1,700 miles closer to home (and one with much better mountain views), Weiser hopes to hop just a block away from the Colorado Attorney General’s Office downtown.
He has spent much of his career bouncing between Colorado and Washington, D.C. After graduating from New York University’s law school in 1994, Weiser worked as a clerk for 10th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals Judge David Ebel in Denver. He headed back east to clerk for U.S. Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg later in the decade, and he returned to Colorado in 1999 to join the faculty at the University of Colorado Law School.
He moved east again to work in the Obama administration, and he returned for a final time to serve as dean of the CU law school.
Weiser turned to elected office in 2018 — and, as with this election cycle, he faced a tough Democratic primary. He edged out state Rep. Joe Salazar by fewer than 5,000 votes to win the nomination. His two general election wins, in 2018 and 2022, were less dramatic affairs amid Colorado’s overall political shift leftward. He won in 2018 by more than 6 percentage points and in 2022 by more than 10.
As a gubernatorial candidate, Weiser has set goals of halving the state’s housing shortage and banning algorithmic rent setting by large corporations — a measure vetoed by Polis in May. He also wants to “Trump-Proof” Colorado and launch a “ColoradoCorps” service program for 18- to 26-year-olds looking at careers in firefighting, law enforcement, education and more.
Former U.S. Rep. David Skaggs, who represented a Colorado district from 1987 to 1999, crossed paths with Weiser at the CU law school after he left Congress. He was “struck from the get-go about how razor sharp his mind is, what a good lawyer he is and what an agreeable fellow he is,” Skaggs said.
But now, he points to Weiser’s willingness to “take on the Trump administration, both Trump 1 and Trump 2, and really fight for important values and legal principles.”
Weiser has been in the thick of state government for seven years now, and there’s no better preparation for managing it as governor than spending the better part of a decade lawyering for it, Skaggs said.
Hancock, the former Denver mayor backing Bennet, complimented Weiser’s legal experience but also contrasted it with Bennet’s broader base of experience. Bennet’s time in city hall, for example, gave him a deeper understanding of issues like local control and how to bring local governments along — without wielding a stick, like recent zoning battles with the state have entailed.
“Mike will have a better understanding of those issues,” Hancock said. “He knows the responsibility of local governments, particularly city councils, and how to negotiate and work those things through. I think he’ll be a little more collaborative in that sense because of that knowledge.”
While Weiser’s tenure as attorney general has turned on legal fights with both Trump administrations, he’s also overseen the distribution of tens of millions of dollars from settlements during the opioid crisis. He challenged the merger of the Kroger and Albertsons grocery chains — the parent companies, respectively, of King Soopers and Safeway — which was called off after judges blocked it. He’s backed consumer protection litigation, and his office has been front and center in negotiations over the Colorado River, the lifeblood of the state and the broader West.
But those high-profile legal fights haven’t necessarily translated into name recognition.
A June poll found Bennet with a decisive lead over Weiser — but almost half of likely voters then said they weren’t familiar with Weiser. Comparatively, 13% of likely primary voters were unfamiliar with Bennet.
Weiser’s campaign hopes that means he’ll have a fighter’s chance over the next seven months as people start paying more attention to the race.
He made an early splash by backing a proposed amendment to the Colorado Constitution that, if approved by voters, would allow the state to gerrymander its congressional districts for partisan advantage, should other states do the same — and as Texas, California and others are doing now. The vote to amend the state constitution to pause its nonpartisan congressional maps wouldn’t be until November 2026, though, making 2028 the earliest election those maps could take effect.
Weiser defended the position by saying he hates gerrymandering but “love(s) our democracy more.” Bennet, for his part, said he wouldn’t take the issue off the table, but the 2026 House elections themselves should be a bigger priority than the amendment.
Weiser plans to win a spot on the primary ballot through the state assembly, which means winning over grassroots Democratic activists.
“If you look at the numbers, we have more current and former elected officials who’ve endorsed me, we’ve got more Colorado donors, and we continue to build that momentum — literally visit by visit, community by community,” Weiser said in early October, after the event with Peña and Romer.
Regarding endorsements, Bennet counters: “I don’t think my opponent has really added many people since I got in the race, and I think that’s exciting.”
Not all support — or opposition — is set in stone
As the race shapes up, some organizations haven’t landed on either candidate — yet. Some see the narrow field as an opportunity for the candidates to distinguish themselves and for the groups to see how closely Bennet and Weiser align with their own political goals.
Indivisible Colorado, a network of progressive political activists that formed following Trump’s first election in 2016, hasn’t typically endorsed in primary races. But, with Colorado’s regularly blue tint in general elections and a national push for a more aggressive Democratic Party, that could change, said Robin Cellars, a member of Indivisible Colorado’s leadership team.
In particular, the organization wants a governor who will fight back against “this authoritarian takeover” by the Trump administration, push for a tax system that has the rich paying more, and defend against overreach by federal immigration enforcement. The latter might include a ban on law enforcement wearing masks and attempting to prohibit the construction of immigration detention facilities in Colorado.
Organizers don’t want sympathetic social media posts, Cellars said. They want aggressive action from a blue state. She didn’t weigh in on the race between Weiser and Bennet, but Indivisible members will be watching to decide whether the group will endorse.
“We are definitely wanting to reform the Democratic Party by getting quality candidates. And the place to do that is the primaries,” Cellars said. “… In the primaries, that’s where we can really make a difference.”
The Colorado Education Association, the state’s largest teachers union, is working with the campaigns to coordinate events where its members can hear directly from the candidates, CEA President Kevin Vick said. He hopes the union membership will be able to vote on its endorsements by mid-spring.
“I want to give (the candidates) opportunities to speak for themselves,” Vick said. “I know they both have long records in education. I want them to not only be able to relay their records, but if there’s any evolution or learning that they’ve done on their journey — particularly as it relates to education and how we should be treating educators — I think that would be of interest to educators across the state.”
As the race wears on over the next seven months, the victor stands to emerge covered in blue bruises — or, perhaps, campaign-tested and ready to unite the party heading into the general election.
Pettersen, the Lakewood congresswoman who endorsed Bennet, knows it as keenly as any observer of the race. Her husband, political consultant Ian Silverii, is working on Weiser’s campaign.
“We’re lucky in Colorado to have two amazing public servants running,” Pettersen said. But she also can’t wait for the primary to end.
Then — assuming voters deliver Democrats the governor’s office, as she hopes — the work begins of steering the state through seemingly constant financial pain and the impact of a federal government hostile to Democratic policies.
“Just mitigating the fallout from the failed federal policies, and then trying to come through that while rebuilding the Colorado we want to see — governing through this is going to be one of the most heart-wrenching and difficult things I can imagine,” Pettersen said, citing Medicaid cuts, concerns that rural hospitals could close and changes to food assistance programs. “It’s going to be a gut-wrenching reality to navigate.”
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