Gov. Gavin Newsom still insists he hasn’t decided to run for president in 2028. But after persuading California’s voters to gerrymander the state’s congressional districts to grab more Democratic seats, he embarked on a flurry of appearances that had the distinct aroma of a political campaign.
He did an interview on CNN, jetted off to Texas to crow about California’s passage of the Proposition 50 gerrymander at a rally of Democrats — some chanted about a 2028 candidacy — and then headed to Brazil as the self-appointed U.S. delegate to a climate change conference boycotted by President Donald Trump.
Oh yes, and Penguin Random House announced that in February, it will release Newsom’s memoir of growing up in San Francisco, founding a business and segueing into politics, titled “Young Man in a Hurry: A Memoir of Discovery.” It will cost just $30.
No presidential campaign is complete without an autobiography describing how the candidate overcame barriers of birth and circumstance to become a dedicated public servant.
As Newsom surfaced in Brazil on Monday, Politico journalist Camille von Kaenel filed this analysis of the governor’s purpose:
“The California governor’s task at United Nations climate talks in Belém, Brazil, this week isn’t to negotiate sweeping policy changes or break into closed-door talks reserved for nations. It’s to put on a show: proving his state is still cutting emissions despite President Donald Trump’s rollbacks, nudging governments and businesses to do the same, and reminding the world that the U.S. might one day pick the climate agenda back up — perhaps under a President Newsom.”
There is, however, a subtext to Newsom’s claim to be a climate change warrior. In recent months, he’s tiptoed away from the aggressive decarbonization programs he had championed earlier, clearly trying to minimize impacts — particularly costs — on consumers. Living costs loomed large in last year’s presidential campaign.
One example is Newsom’s effort to stop the planned decommission of the Diablo Canyon nuclear plant and several gas-fired generators in Southern California, when it became evident that taking them off-line could lead to shortages in electrical power and potential blackouts.
Another is this year’s 180-degree flip on the petroleum industry. Newsom had spent months demonizing refiners for price-gouging, but when two refineries announced plans to shut down, raising the possibility of sharp gasoline price hikes, Newsom shifted to maintaining fuel supplies and encouraging oil production to stave off imports.
“We are all the beneficiaries of oil and gas. No one’s naive about that,” Newsom said. “So it’s always been about finding a just transition, a pragmatism in terms of that process.”
Still another example is what happened just a few days ago in Southern California. After years of squabbling over carbon emissions from ships and equipment at the twin ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach, the logistics industry and the regional air quality board appointed by Newsom reached a compromise.
The ports are a major source of emissions in the smog-sensitive region and the South Coast Air Quality Management District had been pressing them to shift from gasoline- and diesel-powered equipment to electricity. Cargo handlers complained that expensive retrofits could make the ports uncompetitive in global trade, potentially threatening thousands of jobs.
The agreement requires a three-phase, multi-year transition to zero-emission machinery, which disturbs environmental advocates and even some board members. Opponents who wanted immediate action chanted their displeasure and were removed from the meeting before the vote.
“The give-and-take of ideas and compromises in this process — it mirrors exactly what a real-world transition to zero emissions looks like,” said William Bartelson, an executive at the Pacific Maritime Association. “It’s practical, it’s inclusive and it’s grounded in shared goals.”
Dan Walters is a CalMatters columnist.